A few reasons why I love this place.



One: the Salvadoran buses. I swear they run not on gas but on bass, shaking along the roads to the local hip-hop music called reggaeton. Stuffed cartoon characters jive to the rhythm, spinning on strings that hang from the ceiling. The bus windshield proclaims messages to the public like, “Only God knows if I will return”—which, frankly, is a good way to put it, given that conductors drive as if life is a videogame. There is even a specific bus “language” in which Salvadorans are fluent: speak little, no eye contact, make deft and small movements to preserve space, and remember that children and the elderly deserve your seat more than you do. As the largest method of mass transportation in this developing country, buses are the bookends on the Salvadoran day. They say a lot about life here.

Two: because of thunderstorms and car alarms. One of the first things a young foreigner learns in El Salvador is that every clap of thunder sets off thousands of the delicate alarms. The alarms are part of a suspicious society, product of both a recent Civil War and continuing street violence that has this little place vying for the title of the country with the highest homicide rate in the world. They create, however, an instant street symphony.

Three: we're really not that different. From my home state of Iowa, it is a shorter plane ride to El Salvador than it is to California. In fact, perhaps the most common future that young people are finding in this historically poor place is emigration to el Norte. Nearly 700 Salvadorans leave their homeland daily in an attempt to reach and find work in the United States. Salvadoran reality strongly flavors the U.S. melting pot. We´re undeniably intertwined. As the world becomes both more globally connected and more economically divided than ever, what could be more important than bearing witness to the lives that prove why we've got to make it work?

Sexism: It's to Die For.




Originally written for the Share Foundation E-newsletter, May 2010.

She was 12 years old when she became the reason to finally seek justice.

The girl is from a rural community in the lower Lempa River region of El Salvador. She was born mentally and physically challenged in a country where there are already enough challenges for people who don't face these additional struggles. One day at noon, the neighbors saw a band of men leading her into an abandoned house in the community. When the men left, they found her on the floor, her reproductive organs destroyed along with her childhood.

It turns out that she, along with multiple other girls and women in her community, had long been the sexual playthings of this group of abusers. Two teenagers, 13 and 14 years old, have toddlers fathered by a 60 year old member of the band. Though everyone might have suspected it, no one knew the facts until it went this far; finally, the many violent episodes—some of which the men videotaped—turned into a court case. (The men probably didn't suspect that their movies would one day provide excellent evidence against them.) But until a young girl was almost killed, no one said anything. Why?

The answer is complicated. It could have to do with what happens to people who risk believing in justice in a judicial system whose modus operandi leans toward impunity. For instance, a women's organization in San Salvador called Las Melidas, which picked up the legal defense of the girl, has been receiving death threats from family members of the accused men. Since taking on the case they have also had to take on round-the-clock bodyguards. (It isn't uncommon for key witnesses or other crux people in legal cases to “disappear” before trial.)

It also has to do with attitudes. The community's attitudes about the victim can be further dehumanizing. A woman who works with Cripdes and is accompanying the community as they navigate the case explains that common perceptions about a female victim of sexual abuse include that she is sexually promiscuous; that she tempted the man and therefore received what she wanted; or that she is an “immoral” woman. The victim herself may fear that her “non-marital sexual relations” mean that she has failed her family—or, even more often in this heavily Christian country, God.

These attitudes have a source. Whether spit from the mouths of fearful neighbors or from the pulpit in a twisted religious interpretation, these attitudes are called machismo, and one of El Salvador's big struggles (like most countries in the world) is how to finally shed sex discrimination. This discrimination can be propogated by societal structures, authorities, teachers, parents, etc, and it finds its extreme expression in violence against or the assasination of women, called feminicide. In El Salvador, sexism is so ingrained that the band of men found it completely acceptable to rape multiple women and girls in their own community, in the middle of the day, and not fear retribution. Their male and female family members felt that the Las Melidas team was in the wrong, and that their grandfathers, husbands and sons had done nothing unusual. In short: in this case in the Lower Lempa, Salvadoran "masculinity" was valued over the innocence of childhood. Clearly, it will take a concerted and well-coordinated effort to change this reality.

Luckily, the work has already begun. Ormusa is a peer organization of Las Melidas, and it also works to reconstruct the shards of beauty that oppressive systems leave strewn. This year, they are starting a program aimed specifically at battling feminicide. Silvia J., a young lawyer who is the Officer of Political Advocacy within Ormusa's Violence Attention program, tells us why this program is important. She says that in 2009, 579 Salvadoran women lost their lives to feminicide violence. Between 1999 and 2009, the instance of assasination of women has risen 104%, while that of men 34%. Salvadoran women cannot wait any longer, these statistics show.

Silvia explains what differentiates feminicide from the murder of a female: in instances of feminicide, female victims die in ways that men do not, for reasons that men would not. For example, in El Salvador, 40% of women assasinated are sexually abused before death. Their bodies are often found in the doorway of their homes or in public places, as if the perpetrator wanted the act to be public. The majority of female victims' bodies bear marks of torture, such as messages chiseled into the skin. (Words like “whore” are common.) On the other hand, male victims' bodies are often found hidden far from their homes, and with gunshot wounds to the chest, arms, legs, or head. Their bodies rarely bear signs of torture or sexual abuse.

Silvia also points out that these particular assasinations imply that the victim is an object, and often the property of a man. Women victims are often murdered by an ex-partner after a recent separation or having begun a new relationship. The man's display of jealousy and ownership of the woman reduces her to an object, and ends in her death. This is also a very different result than the one faced by men who decide to make a relationship change, or even to date multiple women simultaneously. In society, men have the tacit permission to make decisions like this, whereas women do not.

Feminicide is a structural phenomenon, Silvia sustains, that is propogated not just by individual perpetrators but also by daily machista attitudes and policies within entities of authority. While protecting citizens from harm is the government's constitutional obligation, it too is culpable. She mentions that she has been at many crime scenes with the coroner where, if the female victim has painted toenails, she is noted as a prostitute. Similarly, if the body displays tattoos, the “possible gang-member” box is checked. Both of these assumptions mark a victim as someone who “searched out their fate,” and thus provide sufficient excuse to avoid the deeper investigation that must go into these cases in order for the State to adequately handle structural phenomena. In the meantime, more pre-teen girls will continue to pay the price for the government's evasion.

In some ways, globalization makes things more difficult, Silvia says. Through CAFTA, foreign companies set their own working conditions without having to follow domestic labor laws, and they often end up violating human rights. In one recent case where a man was found guilty of consistent physical abuse of his wife, his legal argument was that he was so abused by his employer all day at work, he was full of rage upon arriving to the house and had to take it out on someone. (Obviously, the prosecution argued that if he could control himself with his boss, he could also do so with his wife.)

Furthermore, advertisements from companies both foreign and domestic often portray images of women that encourage sexist attitudes. Silvia cites the campaign from a shoe company, MD, which always sports thin, heavily made-up white women in contorted positions and high heels with messages like, “Buy one in every color just because you're depressed.” In 2007, their slogan was “Shoes to die for,” with photos of women's bodies in a morgue, in positions that suggest suicide or assasination, insinuating that the shoes are so desirable that women (as “slaves to fashion”) are willing to kill or die to have them. With constant messages of violence being sent to the public through working conditions and street-side advertisements, the government must make a concerted effort toward combatting feminicide in order to be successful.

Ormusa thus has designed a project to do just that. Silvia says that the Funes administration’s Commission for the Family, Woman, and Childhood has started to make mention of the subject; thus, now is the time to bring the issue to the forefront of the minds of civil society and lawmakers. Ormusa plans to publish articles, increase their political advocacy, and continue educating women about their rights. Silvia encourages us to walk in solidarity with the work of Ormusa and Cripdes in our everyday interactions, whether by using inclusive language or questioning assumptions about gender roles. Only by rooting out our own sexist attitudes can we build a world where childhood isn't sacrificed to errant ideas of adults.




The Share Foundation accompanies both Ormusa and Cripdes in their work. This year, Share is supporting Ormusa's project on feminicide. For more information or to hear about how you can contribute to the struggle for equality, please contact us at tedde@share-elsalvador.org or danielle@share-elsalvador.org.

"She's On Her Way"

This piece was originally written for the Casa de la Solidaridad Program newsletter.

I write to you in a time of transition. For two years, I have worked in the world of Salvadoran NGOs via the Share Foundation. In August, I will begin a new job in the Salvadoran education system. This is a reflection to you on both life in El Salvador post-Casa, and the experience of working in an NGO.

I am grateful for these past two years at Share. Here, I have observed that the NGO world abounds with good people: “good” in the sense that they are alive in advocating; in investing themselves totally into shaping a point of view that they circle around and around and dive down into, opening themselves to the high tides and droughts of complete self-gift to something. These people have the lucha tattooed on their days, beginning with a groggy, determined sunrise, and continuing with sunset coffee. They breathe in injustice and breathe out possibility. They tire, they dishearten, they disagree amongst themselves, and they retreat to the campo or an urban youth group to recharge. It’s not romantic. It is real. And that is the miracle.

A good NGO functions as a bridge between community initiatives and the resources that are lacking in this world of unfair distribution. I recently spent a day interviewing a woman who works with us through CRIPDES. She told me about an activity planned for this month: an intercambio between women’s committees in the far-removed northern and southern regions of the country. The committee from the southern Bajo Lempa has spent a year growing organic vegetable gardens financed on microloans, and has learned in the process how to budget, to best divide the planting and the weeding, to find the most competitive markets to bring home a little more for their families’ future. That’s a long road for someone who has little education and has for years played a rhythmic, unchanging role of alma de casa. The Bajo Lempa women will visit the northern Chalatenango committee—which is about to begin its own experience with these microloans—and share what they’ve learned. They will discuss the mechanics of gardening, economics, and Salvadoran womanhood. They will see the northern mountains of their tiny country, and find themselves in sisterhood with women they've never had the funds to meet. This initiative is an example of how a gentle third party with access to resources can be a bridge over the effects of poverty. They let the women lead the way across.

My time with Share makes sense of Arundhati Roy: “Another world is not only possible, she’s on her way. On a quiet day, if I listen carefully, I can hear her breathing.” These folks in the NGO community bring to life a patchwork of many passionate and round visions, and offer them to the budding world with outstretched hands. These complex planets of alternative ways orbit each other. In their creativity and political polarities they don’t always jive; but their intersection is the raw material for healthy dialogue.

Living in El Salvador post-Casa brings you to a dynamic relationship with this country. This means learning to hold it all: to hate it some days, because you love it so much. You just know it can be better. Those men on the street don’t have to talk to you like that; this blind kneeling beggar doesn’t have to be homeless; those 14 youth who die daily don’t have to expire so fresh in the world. Living the lucha day after day, sometimes lonely and sometimes radiating inspiration, is no fairy tale. As Padre Dean Brackley says, it’s nothing short of a “technicolor drama.” Living in a violent country with laws that function as suggestions is scary. Salvadorans are human, and they prove to be as beautifully complex as those of us State-side.

This is, however, exactly the stuff you can build a life on. Learning, testing your beliefs, becoming more flexible in some ways and more firm in others. The ideals that you come with are the cobblestones that lay your road to a fuller understanding of our world. It’s just as important to bring them with you as it is to know when it’s time to let them go. This means finding community, yoga, spiritual direction, Pilsners after work. It is taking one step as who you think you are, and the next with a wobbly invitation to change.

I suspect that the experience of moving back to El Salvador after graduation is similar to staying in the U.S. In both circumstances, we leave the insular academic world, our communities, our 17 year-old identity as student. It means more responsibilities and exciting life steps. The stretching that happens no matter where you’re called makes room in you to accept from the world, and to give to it. You don’t have to move back here to do this. Listen to where you feel pulled, and take your wobbly step. Packed into the small “yes” you say is everything you need for the journey.

Danielle graduated in 2008 from St. Louis University and studied in the Casa in Fall 2006.

--- 10 May 2010